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11月21日 人生一种zzBy Victor Mair My old friend and comrade-in-arms, John DeFrancis, died at the age of 97 on January 2, 2009. The cause of his death was a bizarre, tragic accident, yet one that is supremely ironic for someone who devoted his entire adult life to the study, teaching, and explication of Chinese language: John choked on a piece of Peking Duck at a Christmas dinner in a Honolulu restaurant.
John with some of the books he published, in 1996 by John DeFrancis
In this tribute to John, I shall not dwell on the extremely interesting story of his life, inasmuch as that has been covered well in obituaries in the New York Times (January 19, 2009, p. A21), online and elsewhere, e.g., Yale Daily News (January 16, 2009). There is also a wonderful Website for John here with plentiful biographical details and lots of photographs. Suffice it to say here that John was a socially committed and politically active individual who also was unusually adventurous and gregarious. What I wish to do in this necrology is give a brief accounting of John as a teacher and scholar of Chinese. Perhaps the easiest way to approach John's academic career is to divide it into four stages: student, teacher, researcher, and lexicographer. As an undergraduate at Yale, John majored in economics, and his interest in the measurable, quantifiable aspects of politics and society continued to have an influence upon his scholarship throughout his life. John began his graduate studies at Yale under the legendary George A. Kennedy (1901-1960), for whom there is now an excellent, insightful biography by Bruce Brooks. Kennedy's intimate feel for the spoken languages of China vis-à-vis the written tradition surely must have had a lasting effect upon John. Subsequently, however, John moved to Columbia for his Ph.D., since the program in Sinology there was larger. At Columbia, John's concern with the here and now, with the quality of human existence, together with his focus on Chinese language issues, were perfectly married in his dissertation, which later became his first book, Nationalism and Language Reform in China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950, with several reprints). This is a masterpiece of critical inquiry that combines research in history, political science, and sociolinguistics. It is still regularly consulted by researchers today, nearly six decades after it was first published, and it set the tone for all of John's later books and articles on Chinese. In this volume we can see clearly how he was inspired by the passionate views of the great Chinese writer, Lu Xun (1881-1936), and how he was motivated by his own deep empathy for illiterate Chinese peasants and workers. Although John had held a number of teaching positions in various subjects at more than half-a-dozen institutions between 1938 and 1961, his mission as a major force in the field of Chinese language instruction did not really crystallize until 1962, when he was appointed as Research Professor of Chinese at Seton Hall University. It was here that John wrote his famous series of 12 volumes of beginning, intermediate, and advanced textbooks for the study of Mandarin. Significantly, John was one of the first Western pedagogues to use pinyin as the Romanization for Mandarin in his textbooks. The DeFrancis textbook series had a tremendous impact on the Chinese language teaching field in America and abroad throughout the 1970s and 1980s. When John passed away, he was still working on the revisions of his Beginning Chinese Reader, and they will soon be completed by John Montanaro of Yale University Press and Tom Bishop of Wenlin. From 1966-1976, John was Professor of Chinese at the University of Hawai'i. Upon retirement, he wasted no time in diving back into pure research. His Colonialism and Language Policy in Viet Nam (The Hague: Mouton, 1977) dissected the intricacies of the successful implementation of an alphabetical script for an Asian language that had once been a part of the sinographic sphere. John had studied and traveled in China from 1933 to 1936, but — because of his intense disappointment at the Communist government's failure to implement greater usage of pinyin — did not go back again until 1982 when he returned with Y. C. Li to attend the 15th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics that was held in Beijing that year. While in Beijing, he met with Zhou Youguang (b. 1906) and other luminaries in the Chinese language reform apparatus of the PRC. He also deepened his appreciation for the pellucid analyses of problems related to the Chinese writing system by such distinguished linguists as Lü Shuxiang (1904-1998), Li Jinxi (1890-1978), and Wang Li (1900-1986), and by writers of the stature of Mao Dun (1896-1981) who recognized the need for additional applications of pinyin. Annoyed by what he considered to be the backtracking of Mao Zedong and the waffling of Zhou Enlai with regard to their earlier commitment to romanization, John poured his heart and soul into works such as The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1984), in which he destroyed many widespread myths about Chinese characters (ideographic, universality, emulatability, monosyllabic, indispensability, successfulness), and "Digraphia," Word, 35.1 (1984), 59-66, in which he strenuously advocated a two-track system for writing in China: characters and pinyin. John's magnum opus, however, is Visible Speech: The Diverse Oneness of Writing (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1989), which has on its cover a stunning illustration consisting of the phonetic representation of the first six words of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address transcribed as follows: acoustic wave graph of the voice of William S.-Y. Wang, IPA, roman letters, Cyrillic, devanagari, hangul, Egyptian hieroglyphics, Arabic, katakana, Yi (Lolo, Nuosu, etc.), cuneiform, and sinograms (a fuller version of the cover illustration may be found on the frontispiece [facing the title page] and there is a generous explanation on pp. 248-251). Visible Speech contains countless feats of outstanding linguistic inquiry (for a tour de force example, see John's revealing treatment of a Yukaghir love letter). In essence, Visible Speech demonstrated that in terms of the nature of writing systems globally - there is nothing particularly special or unique about Chinese characters, except perhaps how difficult and phonetically imprecise they are. The last stage of John's career as a Chinese linguist began in the early 1990s, just after he had become an octogenarian, upon the occasion of which many of his friends contributed to a Schriftfestschrift. From that time until his death, John labored tirelessly and selflessly on the ABC (Alphabetically Based Computerized) Chinese dictionaries. These revolutionary dictionaries are a monumental achievement that make it easy to look up whole words by their sounds instead of by the shapes of the individual characters used to write the syllables of which they are composed. In the not-too-distant future, the massive ABC dictionary database will be made available online, a move that is sure to greatly enhance information technology for Chinese. Finally, the proofreading for the crowning achievement of the ABC series, the portable English-Chinese Chinese-English (ECCE) dictionary, was virtually concluded on the day John 11月19日 中国外交思维美国化的后果zz基本上,郑永年把我想说的意思都说了,但还说得不够透,可能是发在报纸上,施展不开罢
中国外交思维美国化的后果/郑永年
来源:联合早报 笔者在本栏曾经论及改革开放以来中国外交思维美国化的趋势。中国的改革开放从一开始就是向以美国为主导的世界体系的开放,向西方开放、向西方学习、和西方接轨和整合。在这些过程中,中国人的思维不可避免地要受西方的影响。在外交领域,和美国交往的过程也是思维美国化的过程。到今天,在很多人眼中,中国已经崛起成为大国。他们也希望中国在国际政治舞台上能够像大国那样行为。那么中国应当跟随哪个大国呢?在多数人的心目中,无疑只有美国。实际上,成为美国那样的大国仍然人很多中国人的“强国梦”。在这个世界上,除了向美国看齐,中国似乎已经失去了自己,更没有其他的参照物。 中国是否可以成为美国那样的国家或者甚至超越美国,另当别论。但就中国外交而言,最悲惨的结局可能就是失去了自己的行为逻辑而陷入美国的大国逻辑,采用美国相仿的外交政策。这不是危言耸听。就有美国学者著书立说,认为改革开放以来的中国已经成为一个“社会国家”,就是说,随着中国加入各种国际组织和大国打交道,中国的国际行为被国际社会“社会化”了。说穿了就是美国化。 中国国际行为的美国化这一趋势似乎不可阻挡,因为有很多越来越强大的力量在推动这个进程。首先是中国和美国的互相依赖型经济的发展,已经培育出两国关系中强大的经济和政治力量,这些可以说是既得利益。随着他们之间互动的强化,他们的行为就会有很大的趋同趋势。而这些既得利益在各自的体系内具有强大的影响力。其次,因为客观的需要,中国无论学界还是政策界对美国研究投入最大,最大量的资源和最优秀的人才都在研究美国。再次,中美两国在很大程度上已经形成了一个事实上的G2。G2要求两国在处理国际事务上合作和协调。应当说,这个G2是不对称的,因为美国要比中国强大得多。所谓的合作和协调很大程度上就是中国跟着美国走。 外交美国化损害中国利益 中美两国的互相依赖和互相了解的过程必然使得中国的行为在某种程度上的美国化。中国国际行为的美国化也不是没有积极的方面。中国理解美国如何思想和如何行为,这有利于两国关系的顺利与和平发展。然而,中国毕竟不是美国,不可能成为美国,也不能成为美国。如果那样,既会损害中国本身的国家利益,也不利于世界。 在国际舞台上,中国不可以像美国那样行为,这里的因素有很多,包括中国文明和美国文明产生的不一样的心理素质,中国缺少美国那样的实际能力,中国的地缘政治和战略和美国差异巨大等等。所有这些因素都要求中国确立能够反映自身本质的国际行为和规范。 中国国际行为美国化的趋势已经产生了很多负面的效果。或者说负面效果已经从不同程度和不同角度体现出来。例如在反恐问题上。在中国很长的历史上,有一套自己的和穆斯林世界打交道的经验和方法。但这些年来,中美关系被视为是中国外交的重中之重,这样认知也并没有错。因为美国是最强大的国家,很多问题要和美国合作才能得到控制和解决,包括台湾问题、朝鲜问题等等,中国因此追求和美国结成“战略伙伴”的关系。但在不同的政策领域应当有所区分,“战略伙伴”关系不能在所有领域一刀切。 在反恐问题上,中国把自己放到了和美国的同一战壕,这样做从表面上看中国好像变得更有力量了,因为在这个构架内,美国承认一些疆独组织为恐怖组织。其实不然,中国的这个看法正在改变整个阿拉伯世界对中国的看法。中国和美国有什么区别?随着所谓的事实上的G2的形成,如果中国不能在反恐问题上和美国区别开来,中国在这方面会遇到越来越大的压力。最近新疆问题上的发展就说明了这一点。(更为担心的是,美国并没有全力支持中国的反恐。)很显然,中国没有任何能力在全球范围内进行一场反恐战争。 在朝鲜问题上也是这样。应当认识到的是中国和朝鲜的关系不同于美国和朝鲜的关系。为了和美国合作,中国致力于六方会谈。这是中国的贡献。但可惜的是,中国似乎也把自己放在六方会谈的构架里面来处理和朝鲜的关系。从中国学术界和政策研究领域来看,中国的朝鲜话语和美国的朝鲜话语没有什么实质性区别,只是程度不同而己。就是说,中国的一些人也跟着美国的调子把朝鲜“妖魔化”了。在六方会谈这个构架内,中国又把朝鲜问题看成是美国的,依赖于美国,就逐渐地失去了自己的思维能力。 中国和朝鲜的双边关系具有悠久的历史。实际上,中国和朝鲜的关系之所以还能够维持到今天,就是因为中国高层还没有放弃具有中国传统特色的“外交”方式。前不久,温家宝总理访问朝鲜就很好表明了这一点。每当六方会谈进行不下去的时候,中国还是要回到传统的和朝鲜的关系。如果中国把自身和朝鲜的关系绑架在中国和美国的关系上或者朝鲜和美国的关系上,那么朝鲜问题很难有解决的方式,最终受害的也会是中国,而非美国。 建立独立的外交话语 即使在和美国互动不太多的领域例如在缅甸问题上,在非洲、拉丁美洲关系等也有类似的趋势。在这些地方,中国现在实际上的国际行为在很大程度上仍表现出中国特有的传统。中国不想走西方走过的老路,遇到问题,动不动就进行经济制裁,甚至军事行动。中国没有跟着走,也不会跟着走。中国在和这些地方进行资源外交的过程中,还是坚持着传统,努力和这些地方发展出包括经济在内的各种关系,再用这些关系来影响一些国家。西方则用自己的话语来描述中国在这些地方的行为,如“新殖民主义”,“和西方竞争外交空间”,“搞全球外交”等等。尽管中国没有像西方那样行为,但因为中国陷入了西方的话语体系,建立不起自己的话语体系,没有能够给这些国家的人和国际社会一个合理的说法。一些说法,不中不西,不伦不类,没有任何影响力。这对中国很不利。最近西方开始利用“新殖民主义”的话语动员其支持力量。这势必损害中国在非洲的利益。中国要确立能够解释自己的国际行为的话语,就必须脱离西方的话语体系。国际关系话语的西方化尤其是美国化会是“死胡同”。 中国在崛起过程中,努力学习西方的经验。但学习西方并不是要把中国变成另外一个西方国家。无论对中国自身还是对国际社会来说,中国崛起的意义并不在于中国成为另一个西方国家,而在于成为一个和西方同样强大但具有不同行为方式的国家。如果一个崛起了的中国和西方一样行为,中国也必然遭遇和西方一样的命运。因此,中国在学习西方成功经验的同时,必须吸取西方失败的教训。中国是文明国家,外交具有文明的底蕴。中国的外交必须表达中国文明,中国的国际话语也必须表达中国文明。文明是中国崛起的软力量基础,也是中国对国际关系所能做出的具有贡献的基础。 作者是新加坡国立大学东亚研究所所长 11月12日 最近和家内在练这首歌
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11月5日 不甘落后一种 新华网北京11月5日专电(记者李江涛)北京大学2009年初收藏一批从海外抢救回归的珍贵西汉竹书,总数达3300多枚,这是目前所见战国秦汉古书类竹简中数量最大、保存质量最好的一批,对于先秦史、秦汉史、古代思想史、自然科学史等诸多领域的研究都有较高的学术价值。 记者从5日召开的北大藏西汉竹书情况通报会上获悉,竹简保存情况良好,表面一般呈褐色,质地硬实,字迹清晰,墨色黑亮。在《日书》(一种类似“黄历”的占卜用书)等竹简上保存有朱红色界栏和图画,色彩鲜艳如新。竹简上的文字抄写工整,至少有七八种不同的书风,各具特色,堪称汉代隶书中的精品,书法艺术价值极高。 据了解,目前由北大历史系、中文系、考古文博学院的一批专家组成的北大出土文献研究所,正在进行这批汉简的整理和研究。专家确定,竹书中含有近20种古代文献,大致涵盖了今天的哲学、史学、文学、文字学和医学等学科。 北大历史系教授、北大出土文献研究所所长朱凤瀚说,竹书中最引人注目的文献是《老子》,这是继马王堆帛书本、郭店楚简本后出土的第三个《老子》古本,也是迄今为止保存最完整的汉代古本。其残缺部分仅占全书篇幅的1%,几乎堪称“完璧”。另外,其文字内容和篇章结构也与以往所见各种版本有所不同,对《老子》一书的整理校勘很有帮助。 竹书中还有秦朝丞相李斯编著的文字学著作《苍颉篇》。此书自宋代以后已经亡佚,近代以来出土的汉代简牍中只保存了一些零星的片段。这次发现的竹书《苍颉篇》保存了1200多个完整的文字,其中大多数为首次发现,对于汉字发展史的研究是极为宝贵的资料。 竹书中的古代史书《赵正(政)书》,围绕秦始皇之死和秦朝灭亡,记述了秦始皇、胡亥、李斯、子婴等人物的言论活动,其中包括秦始皇的临终遗命和李斯的狱中上书。书中的部分段落还见于《史记》的《蒙恬列传》《李斯列传》,说明它很可能是司马迁撰写《史记》时参考的文献之一,因此具有较高的史料价值。 竹书中还有两篇文学作品,其中之一的文体为汉赋,内容为“魂”与“魄”的对话,构思奇特、气势恢弘、辞藻丰富,文学水平极高。另外一篇记录了一个士人家庭内部因妻妾矛盾而引发的故事,情节曲折,语言生动,是目前所知时代最早、篇幅最长的古小说。 竹书中的另一项重要内容是记载180多个医方的古医书。其内容涵盖内科、外科、妇科、儿科等多种疾病的治疗方法,包括病名、症状、用药种类、数量、制作方法、服药方法和禁忌,记载详细。这是继马王堆汉墓古医书之后出土的最丰富的一批中医文献。 |
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